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Wed Feb 3 06:00:01 EST 2021 ======================================== Slept from nine-thirty to seven. Woke briefly around three. Mostly sunny. Highs in the lower 30s. Northwest winds 5 to 15 mph. Lowest wind chill readings 4 below to 6 above zero in the morning. Work ---------------------------------------- - Spam hunt Done. - Carmen FMO question Done (handed off to Becky). - Help Lisa at VS with printing Done. - Figure out DNS for properties Some. - Yardi access for auditors Done. Twenty-minute walk at lunch. Sunny, not too cold, and very pleasant overall. Home ---------------------------------------- - Ask Mom for check for DMV? Done. Thanks, Mom! Vacuumed. https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/02/the-capitol-rioters-arent-like-other-extremists/617895/ > On January 6, a mob of about 800 stormed the U.S. Capitol in support of former President Donald Trump, and many people made quick assumptions regarding who the insurrectionists were. Because a number of the rioters prominently displayed symbols of right-wing militias, for instance, some experts called for a crackdown on such groups. Violence organized and carried out by far-right militant organizations is disturbing, but it at least falls into a category familiar to law enforcement and the general public. However, a closer look at the people suspected of taking part in the Capitol riot suggests a different and potentially far more dangerous problem: a new kind of violent mass movement in which more “normal” Trump supporters—middle-class and, in many cases, middle-aged people without obvious ties to the far right—joined with extremists in an attempt to overturn a presidential election. > First, the attack on the Capitol was unmistakably an act of political violence, not merely an exercise in vandalism or trespassing amid a disorderly protest that had spiraled out of control. The overwhelming reason for action, cited again and again in court documents, was that arrestees were following Trump’s orders to keep Congress from certifying Joe Biden as the presidential-election winner. Dozens of arrestees, court records indicate, made statements explaining their intentions in detail on social media or in interviews with the FBI. “I am incredibly proud to be a patriot today,” wrote a 37-year-old man from Beverly Hills, California, “to stand up tall in defense of liberty & the Constitution, to support Trump & #MAGAforever, & to send the message: WE ARE NEVER CONCEDING A STOLEN ELECTION.” > Second, a large majority of suspects in the Capitol riot have no connection to existing far-right militias, white-nationalist gangs, or other established violent organizations. We erred on the side of inclusion; we counted an arrestee as affiliated with such an organization if any court documents or news articles describe the person as a member, refer to social-media posts expressing an affinity for a certain group, or attest to patches or apparel that directly indicate support. > By these standards, 20 of the Capitol arrestees we studied— one-tenth—can be classified as supporters of gangs, militias, or militia-like groups such as the Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, and Three Percenters. The role that such groups played in the riot has attracted considerable news coverage. But 89 percent of the arrestees have no apparent affiliation with any known militant organization. > Connections were far more common among the suspected right-wing extremists arrested after incidents of deadly violence from 2015 to 2020. Of these, 26 percent were members of white-nationalist gangs (including skinhead groups and the Aryan Brotherhood), and 22 percent were part of militias and other organized groups (such as the Oath Keepers and Three Percenters). > Third, the demographic profile of the suspected Capitol rioters is different from that of past right-wing extremists. The average age of the arrestees we studied is 40. Two-thirds are 35 or older, and 40 percent are business owners or hold white-collar jobs. Unlike the stereotypical extremist, many of the alleged participants in the Capitol riot have a lot to lose. They work as CEOs, shop owners, doctors, lawyers, IT specialists, and accountants. Strikingly, court documents indicate that only 9 percent are unemployed. Of the earlier far-right-extremist suspects we studied, 61 percent were under 35, 25 percent were unemployed, and almost none worked in white-collar occupations. > Fourth, most of the insurrectionists do not come from deep-red strongholds. People familiar with America’s political geography might imagine the Capitol rioters as having marinated in places where they are unlikely to encounter anyone from the opposite side of the political spectrum. Yet of those arrested for their role in the Capitol riot, more than half came from counties that Biden won; one-sixth came from counties that Trump won with less than 60 percent of the vote. A graph of Capitol arrestees and where they are from. > Importantly, our statistics show that the larger the absolute number of Trump voters in a county—regardless of whether he won it—the more likely it was to be home to a Capitol arrestee. Big metropolitan centers where Biden won overwhelmingly, such as the counties that include New York City, San Francisco, and Dallas, still have hundreds of thousands of Trump supporters. A third of suspected insurrectionists come from such counties; another quarter come from suburban counties of large metro areas. This breakdown mirrors the American population as a whole—and that is the point. If you presumed that only the reddest parts of America produce potential insurrectionists, you would be incorrect. > What’s clear is that the Capitol riot revealed a new force in American politics—not merely a mix of right-wing organizations, but a broader mass political movement that has violence at its core and draws strength even from places where Trump supporters are in the minority. Preventing further violence from this movement will require a deeper understanding of its activities and participants, and the two of us do not claim to know which political tactics might ultimately prove helpful. But Americans who believe in democratic norms should be wary of pat solutions. Some of the standard methods of countering violent extremism—such as promoting employment or waiting patiently for participants to mellow with age—probably won’t mollify middle-aged, middle-class insurrectionists. And simply targeting better-established far-right organizations will not prevent people like the Capitol rioters from trying to exercise power by force. https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=26010237 https://blog.jfedor.org/2021/01/bluetooth-trackball-mark-ii.html > I made a Bluetooth trackball in which all the electronics are inside the ball. The ball is the entire trackball. Here it is in action: > Inside the ball there's a microcontroller and a set of sensors that together with some clever algorithms allow the microcontroller to know the ball's absolute orientation in 3D. When the ball is rotated, it sends the appropriate commands to the computer over Bluetooth to move the mouse cursor. > I used Adafruit's Feather nRF52840 Sense, it has all the necessary sensors onboard. The other components are a lipo battery, a wireless charging coil and two reed switches, one of which is connected to the board's "En" pin, allowing us to turn the device off with an external magnet, the other is connected to a GPIO pin and is used to trigger the "up" calibration. > The ball is 65 mm in diameter and is made of two 3D printed halves. After putting the electronics inside I glued the two halves together and smoothed the surface by progressing through increasingly finer grits of sandpaper. It rolls pretty smoothly on 2.5 mm zirconium oxide bearing balls, though it's still admittedly not as smooth as a real trackball. I made a few bases in various shapes for the ball to roll on, they are just pieces of 3D printed plastic and don't have any electronics in them. > To charge the battery inside the ball I also made a special base that has a wireless charging coil inside and is powered with USB (or any 5V source). It also has a strategically placed magnet that can be used to trigger one of the two reed switches inside the ball, one will turn the device off, the other allows for setting the logical "up" directon of the trackball (by itself the trackball doesn't know which direction should move the mouse cursor up, so you can set it by putting a magnet near one of the reed switches and rotating the ball around the vertical axis). Mailed my driver's license renewal, and drove the car around for thirty minutes. Servings: grains 6/6, fruit 2/4, vegetables 2/4, dairy 3/2, meat 2/3, nuts 0.5/0.5 Brunch: orange, taco with avocado and beans, coffee Lunch: banana, two hot dogs Dinner: cookies

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